Forgotten Lives: The Role of Lenins Sisters in the Russian Revolution, 1864-1937

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Family Networks and the Russian Revolutionary Movement, by Katy Turton 10 editions published between and in English and Undetermined and held by WorldCat member libraries worldwide This book explores the role played by families in the Russian revolutionary movement and the first decades of the Soviet regime. While revolutionaries were expected to sever all family ties or at the very least put political concerns before personal ones, in practice this was rarely achieved.

In the underground, revolutionaries of all stripes, from populists to social-democrats, relied on siblings, spouses, children and parents to help them conduct party tasks, with the appearance of domesticity regularly thwarting police interference. Family networks were also vital when the worst happened and revolutionaries were imprisoned or exiled. After the revolution, these family networks continued to function in the building of the new Soviet regime and amongst the socialist opponents who tried to resist the Bolsheviks. As the Party persecuted its socialist enemies and eventually turned on threats perceived within its ranks, it deliberately included the spouses and relatives of its opponents in an attempt to destroy family networks for good.

Forgotten by history : new research on twentieth century Europe and America Book 3 editions published in in English and held by 21 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Computer processed attribute analysis of artefact assemblages from Munro's site and olieboompoort Bed 3, Western Vaal and Upper Limpopo basins, South Africa by Revil J Mason Book 3 editions published in in English and held by 5 WorldCat member libraries worldwide. Mineral investigations near Bodmin, Cornwall. Related Information. Close Figure Viewer. Browse All Figures Return to Figure. Previous Figure Next Figure.

Marx, Lenin, Solzhenitsyn, and the Meaning of the Russian Revolution

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Forgot your username? They demanded support for universal suffrage for working class men and women, which was rejected by the conference leadership. Argument raged all day and finally some group members attempted to lead a walkout in protest. Chaos and confusion ensued - the police moved in to make arrests and the event collapsed in disarray.

Nonetheless, despite organisational confusion, the Workers Group intervention had been a success. Klara Zetkin, the German revolutionary, had won over the Second International in to support an annual day of action to organise working class women in a movement distinct from feminist groups.

THE MOST DANGEROUS ART: POETRY, POLITICS AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY AFTER THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

However, despite the clear fact that it was not a feminist event, Samoilova faced opposition from the St Petersburg party committee. But, having managed to overcome objections and evade state infiltration, the meeting was packed out. Despite the arrest of the majority of the St Petersburg editorial board and huge state repression, Anna Elizarova Ulianova - the only member of the editorial board to escape imprisonment - managed to get seven issues printed between February 23 and June 26, when the police finally closed it down.

The journal, which was supported by Lenin, generated a widespread and keen readership despite its short-lived existence. It contained both theoretical and popular pieces - although Armand complained that Ulianova as editor was too populist in her approach. The proof of its popularity was in its relaunch after February , following the mass upsurge of activity among women during the February revolution.

In that period Rabotnitsa fought to generalise the slogans for equality and better conditions in the workplace. Its supporters set up groups which organised among women in Petrograd and Moscow. Five hundred delegates attended, representing 80, women from soviets, factories, trade unions and youth organisations.

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However, she was opposed by the majority of Bolshevik women, who were worried that it would create divisions between comrades and be perceived as feminist. Rabotnitsa still existed at that time and it was believed that it would constitute the core of work among women. But because of the pressures of the civil war the conference was cancelled in and Rabotnitsa was closed down due to a lack of available newsprint. In the meantime, leading women party members had been dispatched to various parts of the former empire to build the war effort. Kollontai was asked to speak to women workers in the textile factories of Kineshma.

These women impressed on Kollontai the continuing sexual and social oppression they were suffering and made clear that they expected far more from the new society. The event lasted several days and ended with an agreement to set up a permanent organisation to work among women. The political ideas of the leaders of the Zhenotdel have been described as feminist by many academics and leftwing writers.

Kollontai was known as a thorn in the side of the feminist movement. They attacked the feminist movement in Russia for placing illusions in the capitalist system and using the grievances of proletarian women to divide the working class.


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Indeed, there could not be real socialism without the end of the patriarchal family and the liberation of women from that institution. Therefore they argued within their own ranks for specific work among women to address the grievances that the feminists wanted to exploit.

They wanted to put the formal commitment to equality for women into practice, rather than leave it for some future communist society. Their vision was of a socialised form of society, where women would have the freedom to take part in society on an equal basis with men. Political freedom had to be underpinned by economic and social freedoms. It was a project to develop and realise the visions of communism most famously outlined by August Bebel and Frederick Engels.

The loss of a socialised approach to production and reproduction were the hallmark of this collapse. Both advocated a future communist society based on a collective approach to production and reproduction. Therefore this meant as a first step the socialisation of childcare and domestic labour and the ending of the patriarchal family.

The German revolutionary, Klara Zetkin, was a contemporary of Bebel and deeply influenced by his arguments. Her continuing commitment to this strategy is evidenced in her resolution to the newly formed Third International in , which called on all parties of the International to form their own Zhenotdels. Kollontai and other Russian women were deeply influenced by Zetkin and also read Bebel and Engels. Kollontai worked closely with Zetkin while in political exile from to She developed particularly strong views on the need for radical and immediate change in the structure of the family.

Its existence had to be actively undermined. She believed that the future had to be made in the present:. Other Bolshevik women had also developed arguments to challenge existing social relationships. She too was committed to the ending of the traditional family. In she wrote a draft pamphlet, where she argued for sexual liberation for women.

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Indeed the Zhenotdel provided her with the opportunity to really test out those views in practice with the support of like-minded activists. The views of Kollontai and Armand are central to the Zhenotdel project because of their key roles in its creation. While other Bolshevik women like Samoilova and Nadia Krupskaya were perhaps not so radical or impatient for change, they too shared the central premise of those beliefs - the supersession of the outdated and oppressive institution of the family.

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